Risk-taking influence risk taking thoughts. Duzel, Bunzeck, Guitart-Masip, and

has been studied from many different perspectives—such as economics,
psychological, clinical practice, behavioral analysis, and health related
fields—and has different definitions. In a clinical or lay sense, risky
behaviors are those that could result in harm for oneself or others, but the
decision to engage in risky behaviors could result in a variety of undesirable
ends, not just physical harm. The psychological factors that impact a human’s
desire to take risks, seek adventure, and/or live dangerously is living
beneficially. It impacts the young, just developing curious minds; the
difference in gender; and through adolescence can also influence risky

minds take risk taking to a whole new level. Younger minds take risks because
they don’t know the effects of their actions when taking risks, It’s their way
of learning about the new world. Risking taking through curiosity has been a
motivation for learning and a cause of non-sanctioned behaviors and behavioral
disorders. Opdal defines curiosity in contrast to wonder; whereas curiosity is
a state of confidence and fixed interest to find something out, wonder is the
state of awe associated with being struck by the strangeness of the events met.
Litman (2005) conceptualized curiosity as reflecting quantitatively and
qualitatively distinct but overlapping experiences of interest in learning
something new and feelings of knowledge-deprivation due to uncertainty.
Curiosity has been defined as the desire to learn or know about anything or a
general state of inquisitiveness and the threshold of uncertainty that leads to
exploration. Curious people may experience an intense and immediate desire for
information and even seek it out “against their better judgment” (Loewenstein,
1994, p. 86). The explanation for why people would take such risks is that they
were presented with the opportunity and they were interested in having the new
experience. This may be because they can’t grasp all the possible outcomes of
risky behaviors. Curiosity is a motivating force behind risky decision
measuring how adolescents represent their own risk taking to themselves and to
others. The environment plays a huge role as well for young adults because it
can influence risk taking thoughts. Duzel, Bunzeck, Guitart-Masip, and Duzel
(2010) found that increased exposure to novelty at a young age predicts
increased cognitive functioning and motivation in older adults. Thus, it might
translate to the fact that allowing novelty-seeking in the classroom decreases
the likelihood of maladaptive novelty-seeking. For example, novelty seeking in
the classroom might take the form of asking questions or further investigation
in the assigned science experiment than what is instructed. Maladaptive
novelty-seeking on the playground, on the other hand, might look like cheating
on a test or skipping class. Research has shown that risky play may not only be
developmentally positive, but also inevitable, thus increasing an understanding
of contextual factors that influence risk-taking is very important (Steinberg,

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existence of gender differences in propensity to take risks has been documented
in a large number of questionnaire and experimental studies. For example, a
meta-analysis by Byrnes, Miller, and Schafer (1999) reviewed over 150 papers on
gender differences in risk perception. They concluded that the literature
“clearly” indicated that “male participants are more likely to take risks than
female participants” (p. 377). In one important study that provides a backdrop
for the present investigation, Weber, Blais, and Betz (2002) assessed the risks
that men and women perceived in behaviors spanning five different content
domains (financial, health/safety, recreational, ethical, and social
decisions). Gender differences were found in four of the five domains — social
decision making being the exception — with males perceiving less risk and
indicating a greater likelihood of engaging in risky behaviors. Similar gender
differences have been found in these domains in a large German sample (Johnson,
Wilke, & Weber, 2004). Hillier and Morrongiello (1998) examined gender
differences in perceptions involved in physical risk taking in children. Using
pictorial descriptions (e.g., riding bicycle with no helmet in street) and an
interview to determine how children assessed risks, they found that girls
appraised more general risk (i.e., judged the situations as more unsafe) than
boys. The genders also differed in the factors that contributed to their
overall risk judgments. Boys’ risk judgments were significantly predicted by
their ratings of injury severity while girls’ risk judgments were better
predicted by their ratings of vulnerability to any type of injury. This
suggests that girls may avoid risky situations with any likelihood of perceived
injury and boys may avoid risky situations only if the possible perceived
injuries are judged as being severe. As noted above, the literature with adults
has not examined whether the genders differ in their evaluations of (1) the
likelihood of potential negative outcomes and (2) their appraisals of the
severity of these potential outcomes. In adults, either or both of these
aspects of risk may mediate gender differences in engaging in “risky”

and college-age individuals take more risks than children or adults do, as
indicated by statistics on automobile crashes, binge drinking, contraceptive
use, and crime; but trying to understand why risk taking is more common during
adolescence than during other periods of development has challenged
psychologists for decades (Steinberg 2004). Statistics relating to adolescent
engagement in risky behaviors indicate that adolescents drive faster than
adults, have the highest rates of sexually transmitted diseases (Irwin, 1993),
have the highest rates of self-reported drug use, and commit the vast majority
of crimes (Arnett, 1996). Statistics published for the United States by the
National Center for Health Statistics (1989, 1990) indicated an increase in
mortality of 214% from early to late adolescence. Furthermore, adolescent boys
die at more than twice the rate of girls (Irwin, 1993). The statistics on
adolescent accidents and morbidity also indicate that primary causes of
morbidity during adolescence are behavioral in origin with violence and intentional
and unintentional injuries producing nearly 75% of all adolescent deaths per
year (Crunbaum & Basen-Engquist, 1993; Irwin, 1993). Systematic research
does not support the stereotype of adolescents as irrational individuals who
believe they are invulnerable and who are unaware, inattentive to, or
unconcerned about the potential harms of risky behavior. In fact, the
logical-reasoning abilities of 15-year-olds are comparable to those of adults,
adolescents are no worse than adults at perceiving risk or estimating their
vulnerability to it (Reyna & Farley, 2006), and increasing the salience of
the risks associated with making a potentially dangerous decision has
comparable effects on adolescents and adults (Millstein & Halpern-Felsher,
2002). Most studies find few age differences in individuals’ evaluations of the
risks inherent in a wide range of dangerous behaviors, in judgments about the
seriousness of the consequences that might result from risky behavior, or in
the ways that the relative costs and benefits of risky activities are evaluated
(Beyth-Marom, Austin, Fischoff, Palmgren, & Jacobs-Quadrel, 1993). Attempts
to reduce adolescent risk taking through interventions designed to alter
knowledge, attitudes, or beliefs have proven remarkably disappointing, however
(Steinberg, 2004). Efforts to provide adolescents with information about the
risks of substance use, reckless driving, and unprotected sex typically result
in improvements in young people’s thinking about these phenomena but seldom
change their actual behavior. Generally speaking, reductions in adolescents’
health-compromising behavior are more strongly linked to changes in the
contexts in which those risks are taken (e.g., increases in the price of
cigarettes, enforcement of graduated licensing programs, more vigorously
implemented policies to interdict drugs, or condom distribution programs) than
to changes in what adolescents know or believe. The failure to account for age
differences in risk taking through studies of reasoning and knowledge stymied
researchers for some time. Health educators, however, have been undaunted, and
they have continued to design and offer interventions of unproven
effectiveness, such as Drug Abuse Resistance Education (DARE), driver’s
education, or abstinence-only sex education.

psychological factors that impact a human’s desire to take risks, seek
adventure, and/or live dangerously is living beneficially. It impacts the
young, just developing curious minds; the difference in gender; and through
adolescence can also influence risky behaviors. 
Young humans are a big contribution to risk taking factors because of
their young curious mindset in the world. The difference in gender is part of
risk taking factors because it shows the difference in how which gender is more
riskier than the other and tells how they are like that. Adolescence is a major
part of risky behavior because it sums up teens with binge drinking, reckless
driving , and unprotected coitus which is why adolescence is part of risky






















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